B. Greece as a pivotal state.
Since its return to democracy in 1974 and its accession to the EU in 1981, Greece has been a stable and democratic country with an economy that, despite the crisis, remains one of the most important in its wider region.
Moreover, Greece is a “status quo” country that bases its foreign policy on the need to respect international law and the post-World War II global order, harmoniously combining three separate geopolitical dimensions – the European, Balkan and Mediterranean dimensions:
The European dimension. Despite the turmoil of the last few years, the EU is here to stay. From an institutional point of view, Greece remains part of the inner core of European integration. It is part of the Eurozone and the Schengen area and actively participates in all aspects of the EU’s Common Security and Defence Policy. Greece’s participation in the EU is irreversible. It remains our principal strategic advantage and functions as a multiplier for our national strength and influence, as it does for all other member-states.
The Balkan dimension. Despite its ongoing economic crisis, our country retains significant influence in the Balkan peninsula. Greece’s economy remains the most important in the Balkans. It hosts over 700,000 migrant workers from the Balkans and remains one of the largest foreign investors in Albania, FYROM, Serbia, Bulgaria and Romania. Remittances from migrant workers and direct Greek investment have had a tremendous stabilizing effect on the Balkans over the past three decades and continue to do so. In fact, Greece has traditionally functioned as the locomotive for the European and Euro-Atlantic integration of its neighbors, and its continued support in this direction is of particular significance to them. This enhances Greece’s capability to influence developments in its immediate neighborhood.
The Mediterranean dimension. Beyond its geographical position and its significant historical and cultural footprint in the Mediterranean, Greece is, by mentality and philosophy, an island nation deeply tied to the sea.
The Greek merchant marine dominates international maritime transport of passengers, goods, petrol, natural gas, etc. Its port system has been significantly upgraded over the last few years – particularly its largest port, Piraeus.
Greece’s Mediterranean dimension is further strengthened by its unbreakable bond with Cyprus – the second independent state of Hellenism – which creates an area of geopolitical stability and continuity in the Eastern Mediterranean.
No other country in the region has a comparable three-dimensional European, Balkan and Mediterranean geopolitical character.
Moreover, Greece is an integral part of the Western world. The world of Cartesian rationalism. It is part of the inner core of the EU but is also a steadfast member of NATO and has developed strategic cooperation ties with the U.S. on many levels.
Further, while Greece is firmly and irrevocably a part of the West, as a largely Orthodox Christian country it is in a position to interact effectively with another major global player, Russia, with which Greece traditionally maintains very good, functional and mutually beneficial relations. The recent unfortunate incident that sent shock-waves through its bilateral relations with Russia should be put behind us. It needs to function not as an end but as a signal of a new beginning in Greco-Russian relations, on the basis of the cardinally important principle of mutual respect between independent and sovereign nations.
At the same time, although Greece has a strong Orthodox Christian tradition, it is also a country capable of frank discussion and smooth, mutually respectful cooperation with the Muslim world and especially with the Arab world. Greece was never a colonial power. In fact, due to the Cyprus issue, Greece was on the forefront of the decolonialization movement in the 1950’s. And this is a particularly important asset for communicating with the Near and Middle East.
Despite these privileged ties to the Arab world, we have substantially developed, widened and deepened our relations with Israel. This cooperation, which is supported by all the major political forces in Greece, is surging ahead. It is developing dynamically in scope, substance and depth. It covers many areas, from economic and people-to-people contacts, cooperation in research and technology and foreign policy, right up to “hard” issues related to defence and security.
Additionally, Greece is situated at an energy crossroads. Not only do energy routes pass through Greek territory, but Greece is itself a potential energy producer. And this is not a “romantic” assessment. Greece really can develop into a producer and exporter of energy, not only through the exploitation of the energy resources of the Greek continental shelf, but also as a producer of electricity from renewable energy sources, particularly wind and solar power.
The Greek merchant marine constitutes a force with global reach that spreads benefits to many countries beyond Greece and supports global trade by lowering transport costs. Greek shipping is Greece’s best and strongest ambassador, with enormous untapped potential that can be used not only for the country’s economic development, but also as a means of soft power and influence; as a multiplier of the country’s diplomatic and economic strength.
Greece itself is developing into an important gateway for international trade, as shown by the growing trade volume handled by Piraeus and the rest of the country’s port system. Piraeus is the first European port met by container ships, tankers and dry cargo ships coming from the Suez Canal. The Greek port system is already linked with the European road and rail network and a market of 500 million consumers, but these links can be further developed to support a much greater trade volume. In this context, the Trans European Transport Networks have particular importance for Greece.
The development of very strong economies to the East, such as China and India, and the growing trade flows between East and West are transforming Greece from a country on the fringes of international trade to a country situated in the center of some of the central international trade routes. The recent interest shown by China, the U.S. and other major players in investments in the Greek port system is by no means coincidental.
On top of all this, as Greece is situated in an unstable but crucial region, it is emerging as an important factor for regional and European security. It is a frontier country. Greece is on the front line of international migration and refugee flows. It is on the front line of a major geopolitical fault line. It has an increasingly important role in stopping threats before they breach the borders of the EU, and that is why it needs to be substantially supported by its European partners and its NATO allies.
The Greek armed forces are among the most capable and combat-ready in the region. Despite the economic crisis, Greece spends over 2% of GDP on defence. In addition to its NATO activities, Greece participates actively in all aspects of the EU’s Common Defence and Security Policy.
Greece’s stable, substantial and effective security cooperation with the U.S. is of particular importance. This is highlighted by the significant geostrategic added value of the Souda Bay naval base and of Greek territory and facilities more generally.
It should be emphasized here that it would be in the interest of both Greece and the U.S. if the agreement on the use of Souda Bay, instead of being renewed on a yearly basis, were to take on a more long-term character of at least five years’ duration. This would allow both sides to undertake more long-term planning, which would allow for more effective use of Souda Bay and increase the mutual benefits of this particular aspect of our cooperation.
Greece’s inherent geostrategic value is multiplied by our solid bonds of cooperation and alliance with Cyprus. Acting in coordination and cooperation with Cyprus, we are building an area of stability and economic development in the Eastern Mediterranean. Considering the progress already achieved, this cooperation needs to be given greater institutional depth through the creation of a High-level Strategic Cooperation Council between the two countries. Greece has already put in place similar councils with other countries, such as Israel and even Turkey, but not with Cyprus.
Cooperation with Israel is significant on many levels and is further enhanced by the tripartite cooperation between Greece, Cyprus and Israel, which could be called “the triple entente of the Democracies of the Eastern Mediterranean” or more simply “the 3Ds project”.
This tripartite mechanism could form the backbone of a wider cooperation with the participation of the moderate Arab countries of the region, such as Egypt, Lebanon and Jordan.
Of course, these efforts would be enormously facilitated by the resolution of the Palestinian issue on the basis of the two-state solution. For the moment, we need to take careful but systematic steps forward. The messages coming from Washington and Brussels are supportive of the creation of such a regional cooperation initiative.
The progress made by successive Greek and Cypriot governments in this direction is tangible. Among other things, we have seen positive steps in the realization of the Eastmed Pipeline project and the other regional energy initiatives, such as the linking of the electricity networks of Greece, Cyprus and Israel through the “EuroAsia Interconnector” underwater cable.